Tag Archives: economic incentives

A Residential Energy Retrofit Greenhouse Gas Emission Offset Reverse Auction Program

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In most local California jurisdictions, the largest share of stationary emissions will continue to come from the existing buildings. On the other hand, achieving zero net energy (ZNE) or zero net carbon (ZNC) for new developments can be cost prohibitive, particularly if incremental transportation emissions are included. A Residential Retrofit Offset Reverse Auction Program (Retrofit Program) aims to balance emission reductions from both new and existing buildings s to lower overall costs, encourage new construction that is more energy efficient, and incentivize a broader energy efficiency marketplace for retrofitting existing buildings.

The program would collect carbon offset mitigation fees from project developers who are unable to achieve a ZNE or ZNC standard with available technologies and measures. The County would then identify eligible low-income residential buildings to be targeted for energy efficiency and electrification retrofits. Contractors then would be invited to bid on how many buildings they could do for a set amount of money.

The approach proposed here is modeled on the Audubon Society’s and The Nature Conservacy’s BirdReturns Program.[1] That program contracts with rice growers in the Sacramento Valley to provide wetlands in the Pacific Flyway. It asks growers to offer a specified amount of acreage with given characteristics for a set price–that’s the “reverse” part of the auction.

A key impediment to further adoption of energy efficiency measures and appliances is that contractors do not have a strong incentive to “upsell” these measures and products to consumers. In general, contractors pass through most of the hardware costs with little markup; their profits are made on the installation and service labor. In addition, contractors are often asked by homeowners and landlords to provide the “cheapest” alternative measured in initial purchase costs without regard to energy savings or long-term expenditures.

The Retrofit Program is intended to change the decision point for contractors to encourage homeowners and landlords to implement upgrades that would create homes and buildings that are more energy efficient. Contractors would bid to install a certain number of measures and appliances that exceed State and local efficiency standards in exchange for payments from the Retrofit Program. The amount of GHG reductions associated with each type of measure and appliance would be predetermined based on a range of building types (e.g., single-family residential by floor-size category, number of floors, and year built). The contractors can use the funds to either provide incentives to consumers or retain those funds for their own internal use, including increased profits. Contractors may choose to provide more information to consumers on the benefits of improved energy efficiency as a means of increasing sales. Contractors would then be compensated from the Offset Program fund upon showing proof that the measures and appliances were installed. The jurisdiction’s building department would confirm the installation of these measures in the normal course of its permit review work.

Funds for the Retrofit Program would be collected as part of an ordinance for new building standards to achieve the no-net increase in GHG emissions. It also could be included as a mitigation measure for projects falling under the purview of the California Environmental Quality Act (CEQA.)

The Retrofit Program would be financed by mitigation payments made by building developers to achieve a no-net increase in GHG emissions. Buildings would be required to meet the lowest achievable GHG emission levels, but then would pay to mitigate any remainders, including for transportation, charged at the current State Cap and Trade Program auction price for an extended collection of annual allowances[2] that cover emissions for the expected life of the building (e.g., 40 years) (CARB 2024).

M.Cubed proposed this financing mechanism for Sonoma County in its climate action plan.

[1] See https://birdreturns.org/

[2] Referred to as a “strip” in the finance industry.

A Working Lands Carbon Mitigation Bank Program

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A number of counties in California are largely agricultural, with a few small communities. Most of that agricultural land is intensively farmed, much of it irrigated. This situation presents the opportunity to sequester large amounts of carbon relative to the total greenhouse gas emissions from all county activities. In other words, the county can approach a level of net-zero emissions with a surplus available to share with other jurisdictions, particularly with those in within a county.

Since many of these counties are already planning to use this sequestration strategy to meet its own emission reduction goals, these reductions will be real, additional, and verifiable, meeting the gold standard for use as credits by other jurisdictions. The county has a strong incentive to ensure that these reductions are of sufficient quality to meet its own targets, which should make these attractive to other jurisdictions, unlike other credits offered in the marketplace.

A county would establish a Carbon Mitigation Bank using a similar framework to habitat conservation mitigation banks.[1] The county would establish the parameters that achieve the requisite carbon sequestration and then collect in-lieu fees to cover the costs of the bank’s expenses. By expanding the number of jurisdictions contributing and receiving coverage, overall carbon emissions can be reduced more cost-effectively.

Sequestration from working lands can be achieved at a lower cost than most alternatives. For this reason, a county can use its surplus to finance much of its share of the sequestration program by offering it to cities in the county at a margin above the implementation cost sufficient to cover the county’s share of the costs as well. For example, it may cost $50 per CO2e ton sequestered, and the County may use only half of the potential sequestration to meet its own target. The County could then offer its surplus credits to the other jurisdictions at $100 per ton, which is likely less than the cost of additional reductions elsewhere, to cover the full program costs.

M.Cubed proposed this financing mechanism for both Yolo and Sonoma in their climate action plans. Both counties could potentially sequesters hundreds of thousands of tons annually, implying this could be a major revenue source for meeting broader targets.

Why are real-time electricity retail rates no longer important in California?

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The California Public Utilities Commission (CPUC) has been looking at whether and how to apply real-time electricity prices in several utility rate applications. “Real time pricing” involves directly linking the bulk wholesale market price from an exchange such as the California Independent System Operator (CAISO) to the hourly retail price paid by customers. Other charges such as for distribution and public purpose programs are added to this cost to reach the full retail rate. In Texas, many retail customers have their rates tied directly or indirectly to the ERCOT system market that operates in a manner similar to CAISO’s. A number of economists have been pushing for this change as a key solution to managing California’s reliability issues. Unfortunately, the moment may have passed where this can have a meaningful impact.

In California, the bulk power market costs are less than 20% of the total residential rate. Even if we throw in the average capacity prices, it only reaches 25%. In addition, California has a few needle peaks a year compared to the much flatter, longer, more frequent near peak loads in the East due to the differences in humidity. The CAISO market can go years without real price deviations that are consequential on bills. For example, PG&E’s system average rate is almost 24 cents per kilowatt-hour (and residential is even higher). Yet, the average price in the CAISO market has remained at 3 to 4 cents per kilowatt-hour since 2001, and the cost of capacity has actually fallen to about 2 cents. Even a sustained period of high prices such as occurred last August will increase the average price by less than a penny–that’s less than 5% of the total rate. The story in 2005 was different, when this concept was first offered with an average rate of 13 cents per kilowatt-hour (and that was after the 4 cent adder from the energy crisis). In other words, the “variable” component just isn’t important enough to make a real difference.

Ahmad Faruqui who has been a long time advocate for dynamic retail pricing wrote in a LinkedIn comment:

“Airlines, hotels, car rentals, movie theaters, sporting events — all use time-varying rates. Even the simple parking meter has a TOU rate embedded in it.”

It’s true that these prices vary with time, and electricity prices are headed that way if not there already. Yet these industries don’t have prices that change instantly with changes in demand and resource availability–the prices are often set months ahead based on expectations of supply and demand, much as traditional electricity TOU rates are set already. Additionally, in all of these industries , the price variations are substantially less than 100%. But for electricity, when the dynamic price changes are important, they can be up to 1,000%. I doubt any of these industries would use pricing variations that large for practical reasons.

Rather than pointing out that this tool is available and some types of these being used elsewhere, we should be asking why the tool isn’t being used? What’s so different about electricity and are we making the right comparisons?

Instead, we might look at a different package to incorporate customer resources and load dynamism based on what has worked so far.

  • First is to have TOU pricing with predictable patterns. California largely already has this in place, and many customer groups have shown how they respond to this signal. In the Statewide Pilot on critical peak period price, the bulk of the load shifting occurred due to the implementation of a base TOU rate, and the CPP effect was relatively smaller.
  • Second, to enable more distributed energy resources (DER) is to have fixed price contracts akin to generation PPAs. Everyone understands the terms of the contracts then instead of the implicit arrangement of net energy metering (NEM) that is very unsatisfactory for everyone now. It also means that we have to get away from the mistaken belief that short-run prices or marginal costs represent “market value” for electricity assets.
  • Third for managing load we should have robust demand management/response programs that target the truly manageable loads, and we should compensate customers based on the full avoided costs created.

Commentary on the “The Road from Serfdom”

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Danielle Allen writes eloquently in the December issue of the Atlantic Monthly in the “The Road from Serfdom” about how too many Americans rightfully feel disenfranchised today and many of the reasons why they feel that way. Her description of how we got here is well worth the read. However, she misattributes the roles of economists (and lawyers) and errors in their recent prognostications on how economic progress would unfold.

Allen blames much of the current economic woes on the rise of economists in policymaking. She talks about how economists superseded lawyers in that role, implying that lawyers were somehow better connected to society. The real transformation happened several decades earlier when lawyers took over from the broader set of general citizenry. Just as she identifies how economists (of which I am one) are trained to think in one fashion, lawyers are similarly taught to think in another way that tends to focus on identifying constraints and relying on precedent. Lawyers are also taught that the available solutions require directives through laws and contentious conflict resolution. Lawyers are rarely instructed in how actual institutions work, contrary to Allen’s assertion–lawyers usually learn that as on-the-job training. In fact, it is economists who developed institutional economics that studies the role of such organizations. Economists arrived to propose solutions that could work through incentives and choice and negotiated solutions. So we traded one set of technocrats for another set. Perhaps we have not done well by either set, but we also should not ignore why we chose those professions guide us.

The mistakes that economists made were not as simplistic as Allen describes. She points to a claim that economists did not understand how disruption would impact specific communities and what two decades of disruption would look like in those communities. As contrary examples, I wrote here about how climate change will impact communities, and about how we need to compensate coal mining communities as part of our reductions in greenhouse gas emissions, and even the shaky foundations of benefit-cost analysis.  Instead economists did not foresee two important transformations since the 1970s. (Economists made a similar mistake after the fall of the Berlin Wall, failing to acknowledge that markets need well functioning institutions and laws to facilitate beneficial transactions.)  The first was that agglomeration of knowledge industries (technological and financial) would be so geographically intensive and that these industries would accrue so much wealth. The second was that Americans would become so much less mobile, both geographically and socially. There are many social and policy factors that have led to these trends, but these stories are much more complex than Allen describes. No one could have foreseen these unprecedented changes that have shattered the lives of too many people that have remained behind in communities emptied of economic purpose.

That said, identifying the rise of the ideologies of Nobel Prize winners Friedrich Hayek and Milton Friedman (who were economists) as a key source of our conundrum is accurate. Allen does not discuss the parallel rise of the fantasies of Ayn Rand that fueled the mythologies of Hayek and Friedman. Rand’s work was a surprising path for spreading those ideologies, particularly given how bad her writing was. We now have a core of elites who believe that they somehow are “self made” with no outside help and even overcoming the “parasites” of society. That will be a difficult self image to overcome.

Housing can’t escape economics

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One aspect of the debate over housing policies is whether increased housing supply or some type of demand management will mitigate create a more affordable housing market. Davis is one of the centers of this debate, where strict load growth controls has led to lower income households being closed out of the market. But contrary to assertions by those who want direct interventions, the housing market isn’t immune from economics.

One problem is that critics in Davis of relying on market mechanisms work from the false premise that the housing markets across the region were all in equivalent equilibriums in 2010, immediately after the Great Recession. The fact is that the Davis housing market, due to a combination of its restrictive housing policies and education value premium, had not declined as much in price as other communities in the region. The amount of surplus housing stock that was available in 2010 had a wide variation across many cities. So of course the towns which were hit the hardest in 2008 have typically had higher price appreciation since 2008, no matter what their housing policies have been.

Here’s a few studies that support the proposition that housing supply and demand drive prices:

CPUC proposes radical restructuring of PG&E

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104778251-gettyimages-861000956In PG&E’s safety order institution investigation (OII), outgoing CPUC President Michael Picker (along with senior administrative law judge Peter Allen) has put on the table four dramatic proposals to address governance and incentive issues at the utility. These proposals are:

  1. Separating PG&E into separate gas and electric utilities or selling the gas assets;
  2. Establishing periodic review of PG&E’s Certificate of Convenience and Necessity (CPCN);
  3. Modification or elimination of PG&E Corp.’s holding company structure; and
  4. Linking PG&E’s rate of return or return on equity to safety performance metrics.

The OII originally was opened to investigate PG&E’s management of its natural gas infrastructure, but the series of electricity-sparked wildfires reinfused the OII with a new direction. The proceeding has been a forum for various dramatic proposals on how to handle wildfire-related issues and PG&E’s subsequent bankruptcy filing.

 

Moving beyond the easy stuff: Mandates or pricing carbon?

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Meredith Fowlie at the Energy Institute at Haas posted a thought provoking (for economists) blog on whether economists should continue promoting pricing carbon emissions.

I see, however, that this question should be answered in the context of an evolving regulatory and technological process.

Originally, I argued for a broader role for cap & trade in the 2008 CARB AB32 Scoping Plan on behalf of EDF. Since then, I’ve come to believe that a carbon tax is probably preferable over cap & trade when we turn to economy wide strategies for administrative reasons. (California’s CATP is burdensome and loophole ridden.) That said, one of my prime objections at the time to the Scoping Plan was the high expense of mandated measures, and that it left the most expensive tasks to be solved by “the market” without giving the market the opportunity to gain the more efficient reductions.

Fast forward to today, and we face an interesting situation because the cost of renewables and supporting technologies have plummeted. It is possible that within the next five years solar, wind and storage will be less expensive than new fossil generation. (The rest of the nation is benefiting from California initial, if mismanaged, investment.) That makes the effective carbon price negative in the electricity sector. In this situation, I view RPS mandates as correcting a market failure where short term and long term prices do not and cannot converge due to a combination of capital investment requirements and regulatory interventions. The mandates will accelerate the retirement of fossil generation that is not being retired currently due to mispricing in the market. As it is, many areas of the country are on their way to nearly 100% renewable (or GHG-free) by 2040 or earlier.

But this and other mandates to date have not been consumer-facing. Renewables are filtered through the electric utility. Building and vehicle efficiency standards are imposed only on new products and the price changes get lost in all of the other features. Other measures are focused on industry-specific technologies and practices. The direct costs are all well hidden and consumers generally haven’t yet been asked to change their behavior or substantially change what they buy.

But that all would seem to change if we are to take the next step of gaining the much deeper GHG reductions that are required to achieve the more ambitious goals. Consumers will be asked to get out of their gas-fueled cars and choose either EVs or other transportation alternatives. And even more importantly, the heating, cooling, water heating and cooking in the existing building stock will have to be changed out and electrified. (Even the most optimistic forecasts for biogas supplies are only 40% of current fossil gas use.) Consumers will be presented more directly with the costs for those measures. Will they prefer to be told to take specific actions, to receive subsidies in return for higher taxes, or to be given more choice in return for higher direct energy use prices?

Will Amazon’s HQ2 pay off for New York?

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Even though I have conducted regional economic impact studies, I’m always a bit skeptical when a project is touted as a huge payoff for taxpayer investment. Amazon’s HQ2 is a case in point. New York is claiming a $24 billion net return over 25 years from the $3.6 billion in tax breaks, based on impact analysis done with the REMI economic model. I would be interested in a retrospective analysis on the impact of Amazon’s HQ1 in Seattle. The campus is fairly self contained and it should be fairly straightforward to track the growth of Amazon employment in Seattle since the last 1990s. Clearly, there would be uncertainty about how to attribute regional economic activity to Amazon activity, but we could see bounds on various factors such as jobs and tax revenues. We could then see a comparison against the estimates for New York City.

Reaganomics for fuel economy?

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I chuckled when I saw this article extolling how CAFE fuel economy standards should be replaced with “clean tax cuts.” One proponent said, “If you want more of something, tax it less.”

But apparently, these incentives work only one direction. “It’s very common, historically, for companies to not meet the targets and just pay the fines,” said Josiah Neeley, a senior fellow for the R Street Institute. However, the auto companies were not happy with a proposal to increase the penalty 155%.  Does that mean that the penalty got large enough to incent greater compliance?

Where Should All the Coal Miners Go? – Pacific Standard

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An interesting discussion about the failures and lessons for broad scale retraining programs.

My own thought is that we need to buy out the homes of displaced workers at the higher of either their purchase cost or the assessed value to facilitate moving to a new job location.

Source: Where Should All the Coal Miners Go? – Pacific Standard