Category Archives: Energy innovation

Emerging technologies and institutional change to meet new challenges while satisfying consumer tastes

California’s perceived “solar glut” problem is actually a “nuclear glut” problem

Several news stories have asserted that California has a “glut” of solar power that is being wasted and sold at a loss to other states. The problem is that the stories mischaracterize the situation, both in cause and magnitude.

The Diablo Canyon nuclear power units were scheduled to be retired in 2024 and 2025 due to having reached the end of their license and concerns around public safety from the aging plant. As a result, state energy regulators launched an aggressive renewable energy and battery storage procurement process in 2018 following the decision to close Diablo Canyon. Those added resources are now coming online to offset the anticipated loss of energy output from Diablo Canyon’s closure.

However, despite those additional renewable resources, the state legislature and Governor Newsom then extended the life of Diablo Canyon in 2022 to 2030. Diablo Canyon’s 2,200 megawatts of around-the-clock energy production – which adds up to 18 million megawatt hours a year – is the true source of grid management issues, particularly during the spring when the majority of energy curtailments occur.

This imbalance is exacerbated by the large swings in the state’s hydropower production, from 17 million megawatt hours during a dry 2022 to 30 million megawatt hours in a wet 2023. These swings are inherent in California’s power system, and related curtailments were common for decades before solar was on the scene. In other words, California will always need to have excess energy in wet years if it wants sufficient power in the other two-thirds of the years that are average or dry. Diablo Canyon’s year-round, around the clock output only makes that glut worse.

Not only is Diablo Canyon’s extension clogging up transmission lines and driving curtailment, it is also a high cost energy resource. PG&E initially claimed the Diablo Canyon power would cost about 5.5 cent per kilowatt hour, which is near the average cost of the California Independent System Operator’s (CAISO) energy purchases. Instead, PG&E is asking the California Public Utilities Commission to charge more than 9 cents per kilowatt hour, nearly double the cost of the average energy purchase.

Instead of blaming and halting California’s clean energy progress, an easier solution that would solve most of the curtailment issue would be to shut down Diablo Canyon from March to May, when energy demand is lowest in the state. This is when loads are lowest and hydro output the highest. Reducing at least some of Diablo Canyon’s 18 million megawatt hours per year, would more than offset the 3.2 million megawatt hours of solar energy that were curtailed in 2024. Diablo Canyon would still be available to meet summertime peaks. That would save ratepayers money and reduce the need to sell excess generation at a loss. 

California is already addressing other causes of curtailments by installing more storage capacity. It would be foolish to reduce solar generation now when we will need it in the near future to match the additional storage capacity. 

How California’s Rooftop Solar Customers Benefit Other Ratepayers Financially to the Tune of $1.5 Billion

The California Public Utilities Commission’s (CPUC) Public Advocates Office (PAO) issued in August 2024 an analysis that purported to show current rooftop solar customers are causing a “cost shift” onto non-solar customers amounting to $8.5 billion in 2024. Unfortunately, this rather simplistic analysis started from an incorrect base and left out significant contributions, many of which are unique to rooftop solar, made to the utilities’ systems and benefitting all ratepayers. After incorporating this more accurate accounting of benefits, the data (presented in the chart above) shows that rooftop solar customers will in fact save other ratepayers approximately $1.5 billion in 2024.

The following steps were made to adjust the original analysis presented by the PAO:

  1. Rates & Solar Output: The PAO miscalculates rates and overestimates solar output. Retail rates were calculated based on utilities’ advice letters and proceeding workpapers. They incorporate time-of-use rates according to the hours when an average solar customer is actually using and exporting electricity.  The averages are adjusted to include the share of net energy metering (NEM 1.0 and 2.0) and net billing tariff (NBT or “NEM 3.0”) customers (8% to 18% depending on the utility) who are receiving the California Alternate Rates for Energy program’s (CARE) low-income rate discount. (PAO assumed that all customers were non-CARE). In addition, the average solar panel capacity factor was reduced to 17.5% based on the state’s distributed solar database.[1] Accurately accounting for rates and solar outputs amounts to a $2.457 billion in benefits ignored by the PAO analysis.
  2. Self Generation: The PAO analysis included solar self-consumption as being obligated to pay full retail rates. Customers are not obligated to pay for energy to the utility for self generation. Solar output that is self-consumed by the solar customer was removed from the calculation. Inappropriately including self consumption as “lost” revenue in PAO analysis amounts to $3.989 billion in a phantom cost shift that should be set aside.
  3. Historic Utility Savings: The PAO fails to account for the full and accurate amount of savings and the shift in the system created by rooftop solar that has lowered costs and rates. The historic savings are based on distributed solar displacing 15,000 megawatts of peak load and 23,000 gigawatt-hours of energy since 2006 compared to the California Energy Commission’s (CEC) 2005 Integrated Energy Policy Report forecast.[2] Deferred generation capacity valuation starts with the CEC’s cost of a combustion turbine[3] and is trended to the marginal costs filed in the most recent decided general rate cases. Generation energy is the mix of average California Independent System Operator (CAISO) market prices in 2023,[4] and utilities’ average renewable energy contract prices.[5] Avoided transmission costs are conservatively set at the current unbundled retail transmission rate components. Distribution investment savings are the weighted average of the marginal costs included in the utilities’ general case filings from 2007 to 2021. Accounting for utility savings from distributed solar amounts to $2.165 billion ignored by the PAO’s calculation.
  4. Displaced CARE Subsidy: The PAO analysis does not account for savings from solar customers who would otherwise receive CARE subsidies. When CARE customers buy less energy from the utilities, it reduces the total cost of the CARE subsidy born by other ratepayers. This is equally true for energy efficiency. The savings to all non-CARE customers from displacing electricity consumption by CARE customers with self generation is calculated from the rate discount times that self generation. Accounting for reduced CARE subsidies amounts to $157 million in benefits ignored by the PAO analysis.
  5. Customer Bill Payments: The PAO analysis does not account for payments towards fixed costs made by solar customers. Most NEM customers do not offset all of their electricity usage with solar.[6] NEM customers pay an average of $80 to $160 per month, depending on the utility, after installing solar.[7] Their monthly bill payments more than cover what are purported fixed costs, such as the service transformer. A justification for the $24 per month customer charge was a purported under collection from rooftop solar customers.[8] Subtracting the variable costs represented by the Avoided Cost Calculator from these monthly payments, the remainder is the contribution to utility fixed costs, amounting to an average of $70 per month. (In comparison for example, PG&E proposed an average fixed charge of $51 per month in the income graduated fixed charge proceeding.[9]) There is no data available on average NBT bills, but NBT customers also pay at least $15 per month in a minimum fixed charge today.[10] Accounting for fixed cost payments adds $1.18 billion in benefits ignored by the PAO analysis.

The correct analytic steps are as follows:

NEM Net Benefits = [(kWh Generation [Corrected] – kWh Self Use) x Average Retail Rate Compensation [Corrected] )]
– [(kWh Generation [Corrected] – kWh Self Use) x Historic Utility Savings ($/kWh)]
– [CARE/FERA kWh Self Use x CARE/FERA Rate Discount ($/kWh)]
– [(kWh Delivered x (Average Retail Rate ($/kWh) – Historic Utility Savings $(kWh))]

NBT Net Benefits = [(kWh Generation [Corrected] – kWh Self Use) x Average Retail Rate Compensation [Corrected])]
– [(kWh Generation [Corrected] – kWh Self Use) x Avoided Cost (Corrected) ($/kWh)]
– [CARE/FERA kWh Self Use x CARE/FERA Rate Discount ($/kWh)]
– [(Net kWh Delivered x (Average Retail Rate ($/kWh) – Historic Utility Savings $(kWh))]

This analysis is not a value of solar nor a full benefit-cost analysis. It is only an adjusted ratepayer-impact test calculation that reflects the appropriate perspective given the PAO’s recent published analysis. A full benefit-cost analysis would include a broader assessment of impacts on the long-term resource plan, environmental impacts such as greenhouse gas and criteria air pollutant emissions, changes in reliability and resilience, distribution effects including from shifts in environmental impacts, changes in economic activity, and acceleration in technological innovation. Policy makers may also want to consider other non-energy benefits as well such local job creation and supporting minority owned businesses.

This analysis applies equally to one conducted by Severin Borenstein at the University of California’s Energy Institute at Haas. Borenstein arrived at an average retail rate similar to the one used in this analysis, but he also included an obligation for self generation to pay the retail rate, ignored historic utility cost savings and did not include existing bill contributions to fixed costs.

The supporting workpapers are posted here.

Thanks to Tom Beach at Crossborder Energy for a more rigorous calculation of average retail rates paid by rooftop solar customers.


[1] PAO assumed a solar panel capacity factor of 20%, which inflates the amount of electricity that comes from solar. For a more accurate calculation see California Distributed Generation Statistics, https://www.californiadgstats.ca.gov/charts/.

[2] This estimate is conservative because it does not include the accumulated time value of money created by investment begun 18 years ago. It also ignores the savings in reduced line losses (up to 20% during peak hours), avoided reserve margins of at least 15%, and suppressed CAISO market prices from a 13% reduction in energy sales.

[3] CEC, Comparative Costs of California Central Station Electricity Generation Technologies, CEC-200-2007-011-SF, December 2007.

[4] CAISO, 2023 Annual Report on Market Issues & Performance, Department of Market Monitoring, July 29, 2024.

[5] CPUC, “2023 Padilla Report: Costs and Cost Savings for the RPS Program,” May 2023.

[6] Those customers who offset all of their usage pay minimum bills of at least $12 per month.

[7] PG&E, SCE and SDG&E data responses to CALSSA in CPUC Proceeding R.20-08-020, escalated from 2020 to 2024 average rates.

[8] CPUC Decision 24-05-028.

[9] CPUC Proceeding Rulemaking 22-07-005.

[10] The average bill for NBT customer is not known at this time.

How to properly calculate the marginal GHG emissions from electric vehicles and electrification

Recently the questions about whether electric vehicles increase greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions and tracking emissions directly to generation on a 24/7 basis have gained saliency. This focus on immediate grid-created emissions illustrates an important concept that is overlooked when looking at marginal emissions from electricity. The decision to consume electricity is more often created by a single large purchase or action, such as buying a refrigerator or a new electric vehicle, than by small decisions such as opening the refrigerator door or driving to the grocery store. Yet, the conventional analysis of marginal electricity costs and emissions assumes that we can arrive at a full accounting of those costs and emissions by summing up the momentary changes in electricity generation measured at the bulk power markets created by opening that door or driving to the store.

But that’s obviously misleading. The real consumption decision that created the marginal costs and emissions is when that item is purchased and connected to the grid. And on the other side, the comparative marginal decision is the addition of a new resource such as a power plant or an energy efficiency investment to serve that new increment of load.

So in that way, your flight to Boston is not whether you actually get on the plane, which is like opening the refrigerator door, but rather your purchase of the ticket which led to the incremental decision by the airline to add another scheduled flight. It’s the share of the fuel use for that added flight which is marginal, just as buying a refrigerator is responsible for the share of the energy from the generator added to serve the incremental long-term load.

There are growing questions about the use of short run market prices as indicators of market value of generation assets for a number of reasons. This paper critiquing “surge” pricing on the grid has one set of aspects that undermine that principle.

Meredith Fowley at the Energy Institute at Haas compared two approaches to measuring the additional GHG emissions from a new electric vehicle. The NREL paper uses the correct approach of looking at longer term incremental resource additions rather than short run operating emissions. The hourly marginal energy use modeled by Holland et al (2022) is not particularly relevant to the question of GHG emissions from added load for several reasons and for that reason any study that doesn’t use a capacity expansion model will deliver erroneous results. In fact, you will get more accurate results from relying on a simple spreadsheet model using capacity expansion than a complex production cost hourly model.

In the electricity grid, added load generally doesn’t just require increased generation from existing plants, but rather it induces investment in new generation (or energy savings elsewhere, which have zero emissions) to meet capacity demands. This is where economists make a mistake thinking that the “marginal” unit is additional generation from existing plants–in a capacity limited system such as the electricity grid, its investment in new capacity.

That average emissions are falling as shown in Holland et al while hourly “marginal” emissions are rising illustrates this error in construction. Mathematically that cannot be happening if the marginal emission metric is correct. The problem is that Holland et al have misinterpreted the value they have calculated. It is in fact not the first derivative of the average emission function, but rather the second partial derivative. That measures the change in marginal emissions, not marginal emissions themselves. (And this is why long-run marginal costs are the relevant costing and pricing metric for electricity, not hourly prices.) Given that 75% of new generation assets in the U.S. were renewables, it’s difficult to see how “marginal” emissions are rising when the majority of new generation is GHG-free.

The second issue is that the “marginal” generation cannot be identified in ceteris paribus (i.e., all else held constant) isolation from all other policy choices. California has a high RPS and 100% clean generation target in the context of beneficial electrification of buildings and transportation. Without the latter, the former wouldn’t be pushed to those levels. The same thing is happening at the federal level. This means that the marginal emissions from building decarbonization and EVs are even lower than for more conventional emission changes.

Further, those consumers who choose beneficial electrification are much more likely to install distributed energy resources that are 100% emission free. Several studies show that 40% of EV owners install rooftop solar as well, far in excess of the state average, (In Australia its 60% of EV owners.) and they most likely install sufficient capacity to meet the full charging load of their EVs. So the system marginal emissions apply only to 60% of EV owners.

There may be a transition from hourly (or operational) to capacity expansion (or building) marginal or incremental emissions, but the transition should be fairly short so long as the system is operating near its reserve margin. (What to do about overbuilt systems is a different conversation.)

There’s deeper problem with the Holland et al papers. The chart that Fowlie pulls from the article showing that marginal emissions are rising above average emissions while average emissions are falling is not mathematically possible. (See for example, https://www.thoughtco.com/relationship-between-average-and-marginal-cost-1147863) For average emissions to be falling, marginal emissions must be falling and below average emissions. The hourly emissions are not “marginal” but more likely are the first derivative of the marginal emissions (i.e., the marginal emissions are falling at a decreasing rate.) If this relationship holds true for emissions, that also means that the same relationship holds for hourly market prices based on power plant hourly costs.

All of that said, it is important to incentivize charging during high renewable hours, but so long as we are adding renewables in a manner that quantitatively matches the added EV load, regardless of timing, we will still see falling average GHG emissions.

It is mathematically impossible for average emissions to fall while marginal emissions are rising if the marginal emission values are ABOVE the average emissions, as is the case in the Holland et al study. What analysts have heuristically called “marginal” emissions, i.e., hourly incremental fuel changes, are in fact, not “marginal”, but rather the first derivative of the marginal emissions. And as you point out the marginal change includes the addition of renewables as well as the change in conventional generation output. Marginal must include the entire mix of incremental resources. How marginal is measured, whether via change in output or over time doesn’t matter. The bottom line is that the term “marginal” must be used in a rigorous economic context, not in a casual manner as has become common.

Often the marginal costs do not fit the theoretical mathematical construct based on the first derivative in a calculus equation that economists point to. In many cases it is a very large discreet increment, and each consumer must be assigned a share of that large increment in a marginal cost analysis. The single most important fact is that for average costs to be rising, marginal costs must be above average costs. Right now in California, average costs for electricity are rising (rapidly) so marginal costs must be above those average costs. The only possible way of getting to those marginal costs is by going beyond just the hourly CAISO price to the incremental capital additions that consumption choices induce. It’s a crazy idea to claim that the first 99 consumers have a tiny marginal cost and then the 100th is assigned the responsibility for an entire new addition such as another flight scheduled or a new distribution upgrade.

We can consider the analogy to unit commitment, and even further to the continuous operation of nuclear power plants. The airline scheduled that flight in part based on the purchase of the plane ticket, not on the final decision just before the gate was closed. Not flying saved a miniscule amount of fuel, but the initial scheduling decision created the bulk of the fuel use for the flight. In a similar manner a power plant that is committed several days before an expected peak load burns fuels while idling in anticipation of that load. If that load doesn’t arrive, that plant avoids a small amount of fuel use, but focusing only on the hourly price or marginal fuel use ignores the fuel burned at a significant cost up to that point. Similarly, Diablo Canyon is run at a constant load year-round, yet there are significant periods–weeks and even months–where Diablo Canyon’s full operational costs are above the CAISO market clearing price average. The nuclear plant is run at full load constantly because it’s dispatch decision was made at the moment of interconnection, not each hour, or even each week or month, which would make economic sense. Renewables have a similar characteristic where they are “scheduled and dispatched” effectively at the time of interconnection. That’s when the marginal cost is incurred, not as “zero-cost” resources each hour.

Focusing solely on the small increment of fuel used as a true measure of “marginal” reflects a larger problem that is distorting economic analysis. No one looks at the marginal cost of petroleum production as the energy cost of pumping one more barrel from an existing well. It’s viewed as the cost of sinking another well in a high cost region, e.g., Kern County or the North Sea. The same needs to be true of air travel and of electricity generation. Adding one more unit isn’t just another inframarginal energy cost–it’s an implied aggregation of many incremental decisions that lead to addition of another unit of capacity. Too often economics is caught up in belief that its like classical physics and the rules of calculus prevail.

“Fixed costs” do not mean “fixed charges”

The California Public Utilities Commission has issued a proposed decision that calls for a monthly fixed charge of $24 for most customers. There is no basis in economic principles that calls for collecting “fixed costs” (too often misidentified) in a fixed charge. This so-called principle gets confused with the second-best solution for regulated monopoly pricing where the monopoly has declining marginal costs that are below average costs which has a two part tariff of a lump sum payment and variable prices at marginal costs. (And Ramsey pricing, which California uses a derivative of that in equal percent marginal cost (EPMC) allocation, also is a second-best efficient pricing method that relies solely on volumetric units.) The evidence for a natural monopoly is that average costs are falling over time as sales expand.

However, as shown by the chart above for PG&E’s distribution and transmission (and SCE’s looks similar), average costs as represented in retail rates are rising. This means that marginal costs must be above average costs. (If this isn’t true then a fully detailed explanation is required—none has been presented so far.) The conditions for regulated monopoly pricing with a lump sum or fixed charge component do not exist in California.

Using the logic that fixed costs should be collected through fixed charges, then the marketplace would be rife with all sorts of entry, access and connection fees at grocery stores, nail salons and other retail outlets as well as restaurants, car dealers, etc. to cover the costs of ownership and leases, operational overhead and other invariant costs. Simply put that’s not the case. All of those producers and providers price on a per unit basis because that’s how a competitive market works. In those markets, customers have the ability to choose and move among sellers, so the seller is forced to recover costs on a single unit price. You might respond, well, cell providers have monthly fixed charges. But that’s not true—those are monthly connection fees that represent the marginal cost of interconnecting to a network. And customers have the option of switching (and many do) to a provider with a lower monthly fee. The unit of consumption is interconnection, which is a longer period than the single momentary instance that economists love because they can use calculus to derive it.

Utility regulation is supposed to mimic the outcome of competitive markets, including pricing patterns. That means that fixed cost recovery through a fixed charge must be limited to a customer-dedicated facility which cannot be used by another customer. That would be the service connection, which has a monthly investment recovery cost of about $10 to $15/month. Everything else must be priced on a volumetric basis as would be in a competitive market. (And the rise of DERs is now introducing true competition into this marketplace.)

The problem is that we’re missing the other key aspect of competitive markets—that investors risk losing their investments due to poor management decisions. Virtually all of the excess stranded costs for California IOUs are due poor management, not “state mandates.” You can look at the differences between in-state IOU and muni rates to see the evidence. (And that an IOU has been convicted of killing nearly 100 people due to malfeasance further supports that conclusion.)

There are alternative solutions to California’s current dilemma but utility shareholders must accept their portion of the financial burden. Right now they are shielded completely as evidenced by record profits and rising share prices.

Opinion: What’s wrong with basing electricity fees on household incomes

I coauthored this article in the Los Angeles Daily News with Ahmad Faruqui and Andy Van Horn. We critique the proposed income-graduated fixed charge (IGFC) being considered at the California Public Utilities Commission.

Retail electricity rate reform will not solve California’s problems

Meredith Fowlie wrote this blog on the proposal to drastically increase California utilities’ residential fixed charges at the Energy Institute at Haas blog. I posted this comment (with some additions and edits) in response.

First, infrastructure costs are responsive to changes in both demand and added generation. It’s just that those costs won’t change for a customer tomorrow–it will take a decade. Given how fast transmission retail rates have risen and have none of the added fixed costs listed here, the marginal cost must be substantially above the current average retail rates of 4 to 8 cents/kWh.

Further, if a customer is being charged a fixed cost for capacity that is being shared with other customers, e.g., distribution and transmission wires, they should be able to sell that capacity to other customers on a periodic basis. While many economists love auctions, the mechanism with the lowest ancillary transaction costs is a dealer market akin a grocery store which buys stocks of goods and then resells. (The New York Stock Exchange is a type of dealer market.) The most likely unit of sale would be in cents per kWh which is the same as today. In this case, the utility would be the dealer, just as today. So we are already in the same situation.

Airlines are another equally capital intensive industry. Yet no one pays a significant fixed charge (there are some membership clubs) and then just a small incremental charge for fuel and cocktails. Fares are based on a representative long run marginal cost of acquiring and maintaining the fleet. Airlines maintain a network just as utilities. Economies of scale matter in building an airline. The only difference is that utilities are able to monopolistically capture their customers and then appeal to state-sponsored regulators to impose prices.

Why are California’s utility rates 30 to 50% or more above the current direct costs of serving customers? The IOUs, and PG&E in particular, over procured renewables in the 2010-2012 period at exorbitant prices (averaging $120/MWH) in part in an attempt to block entry of CCAs. That squandered the opportunity to gain the economics benefits from learning by doing that led to the rapid decline in solar and wind prices over the next decade. In addition, PG&E refused to sell a part of its renewable PPAs to the new CCAs as they started up in the 2014-2017 period. On top of that, PG&E ratepayers paid an additional 50% on an already expensive Diablo Canyon due to the terms of the 1996 Settlement Agreement. (I made the calculations during that case for a client.) And on the T&D side, I pointed out beginning in 2010 that the utilities were overforecasting load growth and their recorded data showed stagnant loads. The peak load from 2006 was the record until 2022 and energy loads have remained largely constant, even declining over the period. The utilities finally started listening the last couple of years but all of that unneeded capital is baked into rates. All of these factors point not to the state or even the CPUC (except as an inept monitor) as being at fault, but rather to the utilities’ mismanagement.

Using Southern California Edison’s (SCE) own numbers, we can illustrate the point. SCE’s total bundled marginal costs in its rate filing are 10.50 cents per kWh for the system and 13.64 cents per kWh for residential customers. In comparison, SCE’s average system rate is 17.62 cents per kWh or 68% higher than the bundled marginal cost, and the average residential rate of 22.44 cents per kWh is 65% higher. From SCE’s workpapers, these cost increases come primarily from four sources.

  1. First, about 10% goes towards various public purpose programs that fund a variety of state-initiated policies such as energy efficiency and research. Much of this should be largely funded out of the state’s General Fund as income distribution through the CARE rate instead. And remember that low income customers are already receiving a 35% discount on rates.
  2. Next, another 10% comes roughly from costs created two decades ago in the wake of the restructuring debacle. The state has now decreed that this revenue stream will instead be used to pay for the damages that utilities have caused with wildfires. Importantly, note that wildfire costs of any kind have not actually reached rates yet. In addition, there are several solutions much less costly than the undergrounding proposed by PG&E and SDG&E, including remote rural microgrids.
  3. Approximately 15% is from higher distribution costs, some of which have been created by over-forecasting load growth over the last 15 years; loads have remained stagnant since 2006.
  4. And finally, around 33% is excessive generation costs caused by paying too much for purchased power agreements signed a decade ago.

An issue raised as rooftop solar spreads farther is the claim that rooftop solar customers are not paying their fair share and instead are imposing costs on other customers, who on average have lower incomes than those with rooftop solar. Yet the math behind the true rate burden for other customers is quite straightforward—if 10% of the customers are paying essentially zero (which they are actually not), the costs for the remaining 90% of the customers cannot go up more than 11% [100%/(100%-10%) = 11% ]. If low-income customers pay only 70% of this—the 11%– then their bills might go up about 8%–hardly a “substantial burden.” (70% x 11% = 7.7%)

As for aligning incentives for electrification, we proposed a more direct alternative on behalf of the Local Government Sustainable Energy Coalition where those who replace a gas appliance or furnace with an electric receive an allowance (much like the all-electric baseline) priced at marginal cost while the remainder is priced at the higher fully-loaded rate. That would reduce the incentive to exit the grid when electrifying while still rewarding those who made past energy efficiency and load reduction investments.

The solution to high rates cannot come from simple rate design; as Old Surfer Dude points out, wealthy customers are just going to exit the grid and self provide. Rate design is just rearranging the deck chairs. The CPUC tried the same thing in the late 1990s with telcom on the assumption that customers would stay put. Instead customers migrated to cell phones and dropped their land lines. The real solution is going to require some good old fashion capitalism with shareholders and associated stakeholders absorbing the costs of their mistakes and greed.

Obstacles to nuclear power, but how much do we really need it?

Jonathan Rauch writes in the Atlantic Monthly about the innovations in nuclear power technology that might overcome its troubled history. He correctly identifies the core of the problem for nuclear power, although it extends even further than he acknowledges. Recent revelations about the fragility of France’s once-vaunted nuclear fleet illustrates deeper management problems with the technology. Unfortunately he is too dismissive of the safety issues and even the hazardous duties that recovery crews experienced at both Chernobyl and Fukushima. Both of those accidents cost those nations hundreds of billions of dollars. As a result of these issues, nuclear power around the world now costs over 10 cents per kilowatt-hour. Grid-scale solar and wind power in contrast costs less than four cents and even adding storage no more than doubles that cost. And this ignores the competition of small-scale distributed energy resources (DER) that could break the utility monopoly required to pay for nuclear power.

Yet Rauch’s biggest error is in asserting without sufficient evidence that nuclear power is required to achieve greenhouse gas emission reductions. Numerous studies (including for California) show that we can get to a 90% emission free and beyond power grid with current technologies and no nuclear. We have two decades to figure out how to get to the last 10% or less, or to determine if we even need to.

The problem with the new nuclear technologies such as small modular reactors (SMR) is that they must be built on a wide scale as a high proportion of the power supply to achieve the technological cost reductions of the type that we have seen for solar and batteries. And to get a low enough cost per kilowatt-hour, those units must run constantly in baseload mode, which only exacerbates the variable output issue for renewables instead of solving it. Running in a load following mode will increase the cost per kilowatt-hour by 50%.

We should continue research in this technology because there may be a breakthrough that solves these dilemmas. But we should not plan on needing it to save our future. We have been disappointed too many times already by empty promises from this industry.

Paradigm change: building out the grid with renewables requires a different perspective

Several observers have asserted that we will require baseload generation, probably nuclear, to decarbonize the power grid. Their claim is that renewable generation isn’t reliable enough and too distant from load centers to power an electrified economy.

Problem is that this perspective relies on a conventional approach to understanding and planning for future power needs. That conventional approach generally planned to meet the highest peak loads of the year with a small margin and then used the excess capacity to produce the energy needed in the remainder of the hours. This premise was based on using consumable fuel to store energy for use in hours when electricity was needed.

Renewables such as solar and wind present a different paradigm. Renewables capture and convert energy to electricity as it becomes available. The next step is to stored that energy using technologies such as batteries. That means that the system needs to be built to meet energy requirements, not peak loads.

Hydropower-dominated systems have already been built in this manner. The Pacific Northwest’s complex on the Columbia River and its branches for half a century had so much excess peak capacity that it could meet much of California’s summer demand. Meeting energy loads during drought years was the challenge. The Columbia River system could store up to 40% of the annual runoff in its reservoirs to assure sufficient supply.

For solar and wind, we will build enough capacity that is multiples of the annual peak load so that we can generate enough energy to meet those loads that occur when the sun isn’t shining and wind isn’t blowing. For example in a system relying on solar power, the typical demand load factor is 60%, i.e., the average load is 60% of the peak or maximum load. A typical solar photovoltaic capacity factor is 20%, i.e., it generates an average output that is 20% of the peak output. In this example system, the required solar capacity would be three times the peak demand on the system to produce sufficient stored electricity. The amount of storage capacity would equal the peak demand (plus a small reserve margin) less the amount of expected renewable generation during the peak hour.

As a result, comparing the total amount of generation capacity installed to the peak demand becomes irrelevant. Instead we first plan for total energy need and then size the storage output to meet the peak demand. (And that storage may be virtually free as it is embodied in our EVs.) This turns the conventional planning paradigm on its head.

In the LA Times – looking for alternative solutions to storm outages

I was interviewed by a Los Angeles Times reporter about the recent power outages in Northern California as result of the wave of storms. Our power went out for 48 hours New Year’s Eve and again for 12 hours the next weekend:

After three days without power during this latest storm series, Davis resident Richard McCann said he’s seriously considering implementing his own microgrid so he doesn’t have to rely on PG&E.

“I’ve been thinking about it,” he said. McCann, whose work focuses on power sector analysis, said his home lost power for about 48 hours beginning New Year’s Eve, then lost it again after Saturday for about 12 hours.

While the storms were severe across the state, McCann said Davis did not see unprecedented winds or flooding, adding to his concerns about the grid’s reliability.

He said he would like to see California’s utilities “distributing the system, so people can be more independent.”

“I think that’s probably a better solution rather than trying to build up stronger and stronger walls around a centralized grid,” McCann said.

Several others were quoted in the article offering microgrids as a solution to the ongoing challenge.

Widespread outages occurred in Woodland and Stockton despite winds not being exceptionally strong beyond recent experience. Given the widespread outages two years ago and the three “blue sky” multi hour outages we had in 2022 (and none during the September heat storm when 5,000 Davis customers lost power), I’m doubtful that PG&E is ready for what’s coming with climate change.

PG&E instead is proposing to invest up to $40 billion in the next eight years to protect service reliability for 4% of their customers via undergrounding wires in the foothills which will raise our rates up to 70% by 2030! There’s an alternative cost effective solution that would be 80% to 95% less sitting before the Public Utilities Commission but unlikely to be approved. There’s another opportunity to head off PG&E and send some of that money towards fixing our local grid coming up this summer under a new state law.

While winds have been strong, they have not been at the 99%+ range of experience that should lead to multiple catastrophic outcomes in short order. And having two major events within a week, plus the outage in December 2020 shows that these are not statistically unusual. We experienced similar fierce winds without such extended outages. Prior to 2020, Davis only experienced two extended outages in the previous two decades in 1998 and 2007. Clearly the lack of maintenance on an aging system has caught up with PG&E. PG&E should reimagine its rural undergrounding program to mitigate wildfire risk to use microgrids instead. That will free up most of the billons it plans to spend on less than 4% of its customer base to instead harden its urban grid.

The fundamental truth of marginal and average costs

Opponents of increased distributed energy resources who advocate for centralized power distribution insist that marginal costs are substantially below retail rates–as little as 6 cents per kilowatt-hour. Yet average costs generally continue to rise. For example, a claim has been repeatedly asserted that the marginal cost of transmission in California is less than a penny a kilowatt-hour. Yet PG&E’s retail transmission rate component went from 1.469 cents per kWh in 2013 to 4.787 cents in 2022. (SDG&E’s transmission rate is now 7.248 cents!) By definition, the marginal cost must be higher than 4.8 cents (and likely much higher) to increase that much.

Average costs equals the sum of marginal costs. Or inversely, marginal cost equals the incremental change in average costs when adding a unit of demand or supply. The two concepts are interlinked so that one must speak of one when speaking of the other.

The chart at the top of this post shows the relationship of marginal and average costs. Most importantly, it is not mathematically possible to have rising average costs when marginal costs are below average costs. So any assertion that transmission marginal costs are less than the average costs of transmission given that average costs are rising must be mathematically false.